http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-16436780

Runaway US girl Jakadrien Turner deported to Colombia
Jakadrien Lorece Turner in an undated file photo from WFAA-TV Jakadrien Turner’s family said she was not a problem child before her DISAPPEARANCE.

Immigration officials are attempting to unravel the mystery of how a 14-year-old American runaway was deported to Colombia despite having no Colombian ID and speaking no Spanish.

When arrested for theft in 2010, Jakadrien Turner gave Houston police the name of a 21-year-old Colombian.

She maintained this identity through a court case and the deportation process.

Colombian officials say she is now in protective custody but they plan to release her to US officials on Friday.

They had been working to confirm her identity before agreeing to hand her over. On Thursday Bogota said the US embassy had submitted documents to allow for her return.

Ms Turner’s grandmother, Lorene Turner, had contacted Dallas police when she found Jakadrien’s Facebook page under an assumed name.

The teenager had run away from home in 2010 and was reported missing on 19 November that year. Her information was on record with the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children.

She was arrested by Houston police in April 2011 on the charge that eventually led to her deportation after she claimed she was called Tika Lanay Cortez, the name of a Colombian woman born in 1990.

“They didn’t do their work,” Lorene Turner told a local TV station. “How do you deport a teenager and send her to Colombia without a passport, without anything?”
‘Worst end’

US immigrations officials said they found nothing after her arrest that contradicted her story or assumed name, but were investigating the circumstances which led to the accidental deportation.

A spokesman for the the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) said the agency “takes these allegations very seriously”.

During the deportation process a representative from a Colombian consulate reportedly interviewed her and issued a travel document, the Associated Press reports.

Once she had arrived in Colombia, Ms Turner appears to have spent several months living and working in the capital Bogota.

Johnisa Turner, her mother, said she was devastated when Jakadrian first went missing.

“When your child doesn’t come home from school, of course you go to the worst end of the spectrum,” she told the Associated Press.

Now that Jakadrien appears to be returning to the US, she said she wanted to put the incident behind her.

“I want her home so we can move from this day forward.”

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Crunchy numbers

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The top referring sites in 2010 were blogsurfer.us, community.nytimes.com, how2immigrate.com, 45289-ol2hu0e5974bu11i-jrs.hop.clickbank.net, and mariaozawa2u.blogspot.com.

Some visitors came searching, mostly for halit methasani, patricia hussain, immigration detainee stories, detainee stories, and www.immigration jail illinois.com.

Attractions in 2010

These are the posts and pages that got the most views in 2010.

About April 2009
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US CITIZENS BEING DETAINED AND DEPORTED…. May 2009
2 comments and 1 Like on WordPress.com,

Patricia and Mohammed Hussain Story May 2010
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9-28-09 Unnamed writes his story. October 2009
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Religious Aid given at McHenry Co. Immigration jail. April 2009
2 comments

A 61-year-old Jamaican man who spent three decades working in New York is likely to die of medical neglect in a Louisiana immigration detention center unless the United Nations intervenes, says an urgent petition that his advocates plan to submit to the international organization on Friday.
The unusual petition is a last-ditch effort to win the release of the ailing man, Carlyle Leslie Owen Dale, a legal permanent resident who has been held for deportation for more than five years as his court appeals languished and his health sharply declined from diabetes, chronic asthma, liver disease, severe arthritis and high blood pressure.

On Thursday afternoon, his advocates at the National Immigrant Justice Center in Chicago learned of a new development that added weight to their argument that his detention was arbitrary and unjustified: The United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit had overruled Mr. Dale’s deportation order, finding that the Board of Immigration Appeals had wrongly concluded that his 2000 conviction for attempted assault made him deportable as an “aggravated felon.” The court sent the case back to the board for a new decision.

But it is unclear when, or even whether, that decision will lead to Mr. Dale’s release to his family, which includes a son, a daughter and two grandchildren in Orlando, Fla., and a son in Biloxi, Miss., all American citizens.

In a telephone interview from the Federal Detention Center at Oakdale, La., minutes after learning of the court ruling, he wept.

“I cannot understand why I should have been detained for five years and suffer as much as I did in a country like this, just because I exercised my rights to challenge my deportation,” he said.

According to his advocates’ petition to the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention in Geneva, Mr. Dale has been hospitalized five times in the past 20 months for problems including asthmatic bronchitis, acute diabetes, pancreatitis, chronic congestive heart failure, flesh-eating bacterial infection, obstructive pulmonary disease and a hernia.

Though doctors reported that he had suffered “near respiratory arrest,” the petition says, Mr. Dale recently endured days of gasping for breath at the Oakdale detention center; he had a nebulizer mask pulled from his face by an infirmary assistant who accused him of “faking it” and told him to do push-ups in his cell.

Mr. Dale filed a complaint about the assistant’s behavior, but it was declared “without merit” by the same detention official who had denied all his requests for release while his appeal was pending, the petition says.

An outline of Mr. Dale’s case, which did not identify him, was presented by National Immigrant Justice Center advocates at a White House meeting in May under the heading “The Next Death in Immigration Detention.” His advocates said they decided to turn to the United Nations group only after fruitless appeals to officials at Immigration and Customs Enforcement, including Phyllis Coven, the acting director of detention policy and planning, who visited Oakdale this month.

Brian P. Hale, a spokesman for the agency, said that despite the Fifth Circuit decision, Mr. Dale was an “aggravated felon,” subject to mandatory detention. Mr. Hale said senior officials had reviewed Mr. Dale’s care and were satisfied that he had “unfettered access to medical treatment.”

Mr. Dale’s case, and the petition to an international body more accustomed to appeals from places like Myanmar and China than the United States, underscores the current frustration of immigrant advocates who were enthusiastic when the Obama administration first vowed to overhaul immigration detention. Their petition contends that medical neglect and human rights abuses remain rife in a system that continues to detain some 400,000 people a year.

Tara Tidwell Cullen, a spokeswoman for the center, said advocates hoped that bringing international attention to the Dale case would “increase pressure on ICE to improve oversight of detention facilities, and save the lives of our client and others.”

The government has been trying to deport him since 2005, based on his guilty plea to attempted aggravated assault in a 1998 shooting at a halfway house he operated in Uniondale, N.Y. Mr. Dale, who had never been in trouble with the law, served three and a half years in prison and paid more than $9,000 in restitution to the resident he shot with an unregistered gun during an argument in which he said he was threatened with a knife.

Until the shooting, Mr. Dale’s life had followed a path like that of many immigrants to New York. He worked his way through community college as a gas station attendant and a taxi driver, married and had three children, eventually rising through better jobs at Kennedy International Airport and an advertising agency in Oceanside, N.Y., and then establishing a business of his own, the Safe Housing Project

The Safe Housing Project operated several halfway houses for recovering alcoholics and drug addicts. Mr. Dale worked closely with social services officials and detoxification programs in New York City and Nassau County.

The ruling in his favor by the Fifth Circuit, in New Orleans, turned on complex legal questions, including whether Mr. Dale had exhausted his administrative appeals. (He had.)

But in oral arguments, the chief judge, Edith H. Jones, showed a broader kind of sympathy for Mr. Dale when she learned about the circumstances of the shooting. “That makes it sound more like a caricature of what Texans believe New York justice to be — that self-defense is a crime,” she said.

Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me.
I lift my lamp beside the golden door.”

My children are born in the USA. All they knew before being deported ever so zealously from ICE was the American way of living. My oldest son was an excellent second grader and my youngest a kindergartener. They were living a happy life in America until forced out into a world of doom, despair and uncertainty.

THE ARREST

-For six hours I was almost out of air with hands cuffed back sitting in the pitch black darkness at the back seat of a locked ICE SUV(I still got the scars in my wrists),worried sick about the condition of my wife who was held in a different car. I spent a day and a half in a holding cell full of human hair and feces no shoes on, my feet sticking on the dried urine on the floor at the Dearborn Police Station and after a total loss of human dignity, after being transported handcuffed and shackled like the most wanted of criminals, after the prison check-in (getting totally undressed, bending over and coughing while bent so that a guard can look in your rectum and determine if there’s something hidden in there),after the initial orientation where I learned that I might get an incurable deadly contagious disease while in prison I was thrown into a world of hate, total degradation, injustice, abuse, constant hunger and insults.

THE IMPRISONMENT-CALHOUN COUNTY CORRECTIONAL CENTER MICHIGAN

– One of the toilets is back flowing continuously and the bathroom floor has sewer water for days. We walk on it and there’s no way of washing our feet. Plumbers show up one day but soon after the toilets are back flowing again. The water from the water fountain tastes rusty and warm and there is a foul smell coming from the drinking fountain drain.

It also backflows when the toilets flush.
– I was not given new underwear and was not allowed to keep mine ‘cause it was not all white so for two weeks all I had on me was the orange jail issued uniform which after I washed at the bathroom sink I dried on my body heat. Only after I bought underwear and socks from commissary (two weeks after) I was able to send my orange uniform to the jail laundry and it came back smelling worse and with unrecognizable stains and smell so I washed my underwear, my towels and uniform by hand during all my stay in jail for fear of contagious infection and disease.
– Every day inmates wake up with blood and snot in their noses, and sores. The air vents in the cells are very dirty. Dust is blown around, with particles clearly visible. There are two ten foot brown stains on the ceiling corresponding to the two air ducts on the upper part of the wall. There is asbestos on the cell. The dirty air is making everyone sick. The temperature of the holding pod is extremely low for weeks on end. Most of the inmates are staying in the corners and lying in their beds covered head to toe and wearing all of the issued clothing which is far from enough to keep warm. One night I was hit with the flashlight from a guard during head-count because I was covered head to toe with my thin blanked. I was so cold shaking with high fever and on terrible pain. A large blister has developed on my upper lip and nose as I had high fever for ten days. I complained to the guards about the air temperature and was sent to segregation for 24 hours.
– Inmates are given different types of cleaning solutions as well as bleach to refill the spray bottles used for cleaning the dayrooms and the cells. The bottles of chemicals listed as ‘Henry Cabay and Sons, IL’ clearly state ‘if the contents come into contact with your skin, wash with cold water for 20 minutes and call the poison control center’. No gloves were given to inmates.
– Detainees are brought straight from the airport and put into the general population with no quarantine. Medical testing is done after the fact, several days later, or not done at all. Some people have large reactions, nothing is done. My first physical happened ten days after my arrest and although I complained of strong pain in my body and continuous headaches nothing is done. I had lost 16 lb on ten days. I barely slept because of stress. Suicide was constantly on my mind. I was diagnosed with a severe form of PTSD in 2001 and during medical I requested anti-stress medicine. None was given.
– The food trays are extremely dirty; my orange colored plastic spoon/fork has so many black scratches, bite marks and stubborn filth one would think it was used to dig in the ground. The food is unrecognizable, malnutritive and full of impotence drugs Everybody has constant hunger, diarrhea is rampant and I am still covered in an unknown lumpy rash from my neck down my throat, back, chest, and arms. Commissary food is lowest quality pepperoni, candy and popcorn some of it expired. The guards would sometime show to our pod’s door chewing on big chunks of fried chicken and poke fun at what might have been the look of poor, starving skeletons drooling at the sight of real food.
– I had developed a rash on my throat, neck, shoulders, back, chest, lumps with white pus-filled heads, bursting, white spots on my skin front and back. I had regularly seen a Doctor before my arrest and detainment; I had none of these medical problems. Even at present time I am still covered in these lumps and white spots with new ones coming up.

- At Orientation the first day at Calhoun County Correctional Center all detainees are informed of deadly, incurable and contagious diseases that exist on this facility’s population and all one can do is just hope and pray that does not get infected.

-Abuse is constant: a detainee was kicked several times by a guard for failing to stand up (he has a long history of kidney stones and at the moment and was laying on the floor in acute pain).Being the only literate and fluent English and Spanish speaker on a group of 40 detainees I was warned by a guard to “be careful and not try to be a hero” for helping others to fill out court paperwork and translations. When I still helped other detainees I was targeted by the guards. .Mr.Burraj was verbally and physically threatened by the deportation officer when he did not sign the deportation papers. One inmate went on hunger strike to protest the horrible conditions and was dragged way from the guards to the “hole”. A few days later he was found unresponsive in a solitary cell. The Guards used divide and conquer manners (having a group of usually two” privileged detainees” which did the necessary dirty work including starting fights or harm other targeted inmates).There was a strip search and we were woken in the middle of the night and made to undress and line up on the wall with the guards yelling at us. For long minutes we stood naked on the freezing temperatures while the guards were having fun commenting on our genitals. From other immigrants that have been there a long time I hear stories of a detainee’s death early in ’08.The guards yell constantly and their sentences to us usually and with “f***ing immigrants” and other insults. Our lives are at the mercy of the guards’ mood.

–Never saw the Law Library or the Gym (if there was any) and our recreation time never exceeded 45 minutes a day with the exception of one day when the guard completely forgot and left us locked out for almost three hours. There was no posting of detainee rights anywhere in the holding pod and no legal advice. Three of the detainees that I filled paperwork for had a claim to citizenship yet were deported. Many others had the right to file for asylum and fight their case in Court but were told to pick the fast deportation option so that they would be on their way home soon. Another detainee has spent over 60 days in jail because he did not have the $180 application fee and his hearing kept being postponed.

-My mail was read continuously and from 30 or more letters that I sent out only two were actually received. A few envelopes that make it thru to me are open.

THE DEPORTATION-

I was arrested a very decent, well dressed young men and when I was escorted to the airport I looked like a starved zombie fresh out of the grave. We were a party of seven people flying out of the States of which four were US citizens (two escorting ICE officers and both my kids) all expenses kindly taken care of from ICE. In Budapest I was handed a ten year ban of return and told to sign it.

THE RESULT

I came to America convinced that I was persecuted and looking for freedom. My political asylum claim was also motivated in no small part from my first immigration attorney and my then ignorance of the English Language and therefore the Immigration Law. After a long legal battle and well over $35 000 in legal fees, my asylum case was denied for “not having enough prosecution” the real reason being incompetent counsel (my attorney did not even communicate me the date of the hearing of my appeal in the Seventh Circuit Court so I was not present on the most important Court hearing of my family’s life. I was totally in the dark of the outcome and only learned about it and just after a routine call to her four months after the fact when any possibility of appeal or motion to reopen was inexistent).I hired a different attorney to attempt a Motion to Reopen (Ineffective Counsel being the reason) My attorney could not even get a copy of my case from the BCIS although he filed under the FOIA. (In aunt Zeituni’s case the Service was much more cooperative). So the unfortunate folks that go through the abyss of the asylum process which are by far the most prosecuted, mistreated and forthcoming part of the whole undocumented immigrant population totally exhausted mentally, emotionally and financially are the primary target for deportation and subjected to yet another nightmarish ordeal.

I loved America, I still do and I always will. I would fight for America given the chance. I tried to enlist in the Army in late 2001 but I was turned away because of my immigration status. But love for my children’s country which I consider my own and which I contributed for 10 years of my life does not convert to any form of relief.

At the end, after considering what I went through in America’s Jails without ever being accused of any wrongdoing, no criminal record, not even having a parking ticket while paying all my taxes (I still pay although deported), after enduring sheer madness (I will never be able to erase the painful images off my mind and the marks and lumps off my body) I can definitely state that I totally agree with the Immigration Judge in his thoughtful decision regarding my asylum case:

I really did not have enough prosecution!

Ms.Gates please let me know what you think and whom should I send it to. I would really appreciate any comments or ideas. Best regards E.E.
P.S I could not remember the guard’s names; I was in so much stress and despair.

Josie Gates – this was sentto me by E.E. who wishes to come home with his children.It is his words. The similarities to my confinement, exposure to chemicals and treatment by ICE are remarkable.

This is a true account of the depths to which the Bush administration sank in its twilight, when immigration enforcement was ramped up to a feverish extreme.

The details are in a report released Wednesday by the Immigration Justice Clinic of the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law. It describes a campaign of illegal home invasions waged by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents from 2006 to 2008 on Long Island and in New Jersey. The report, written by a panel led by Lawrence Mulvey, the police commissioner of Nassau County on Long Island, examined 700 arrest records obtained through Freedom of Information lawsuits, and found a shameful pattern of abuses.

The raids were supposed to be a hunt for gang members and other dangerous criminal fugitives, but two-thirds of those arrested were happenstance targets — Latinos with civil immigration violations. Although agents lacked judicial warrants, and thus could not legally enter private homes without a resident’s informed consent, they routinely did so anyway — in 86 percent of the Long Island cases studied and 24 percent of those in New Jersey. And while ICE was legally required to have reasonable suspicion before detaining and questioning anybody, in two-thirds of arrest reports studied, no explanation for the initial arrest was given.

It hardly needs saying that the raids were tactical failures as well as moral outrages. Three days of raids in Nassau County, for example, netted only 6 of 96 targets. Commissioner Mulvey and the Nassau county executive, Tom Suozzi, fiercely denounced the raids at the time as reckless, lawless and dangerous — ICE agents, they said, were flagrantly undisciplined, to the point of mistakenly drawing weapons on county police officers. The Cardozo report powerfully confirms their judgment.

The Department of Homeland Security, under Secretary Janet Napolitano, says it has been trying to undo the worst excesses of Bush-era immigration enforcement. It should hasten to adopt the Cardozo report’s recommendations, including no home raids except as a last resort to catch dangerous fugitives; no raids without judicial warrants; videotaping of agents in action, and retraining them on procedures; beginning an inspector general’s investigation to see how far the abuses spread.

May 5, 2008 – NYTIMES, NINA BERNSTEIN AND MARGOT WILLIAMS
The document that follows, “Detainee Deaths 2004-November 2007,” is the government’s fullest account to date of deaths in immigration detention. Compiled by Immigration and Customs Enforcement and obtained by The New York Times under the Freedom of Information Act, it lists the names of 66 people who died, their dates of birth and death, where they were last held, where they died and the cause of death.

Times Topics: In-Custody DeathsBut errors and omissions on the list made it difficult for The Times to confirm the identities of many whose deaths had not previously come to public attention, to find out why they died, or to locate relatives.

Along with 13 deaths cited as suicides, 14 as the result of various cardiac ailments and 9 related to H.I.V. and AIDS, the list includes cryptic causes of death like “unresponsive” and “undetermined.” The list does not mention the immigrants’ nationalities or where they lived in the United States. Some names and birth dates appear garbled.

For example, No. 39 on the list is Reinaldo Prado-Arencilia, who died in a Houston hospital after an “unwitnessed arrest” in a privately run detention center. A nationwide database search turned up no one with that name, but found a person named Reinaldo Prado-Arencibia who had lived in Florida. No. 18, N. Enriquez-Betancourt, is missing a first name. The birth date provided for No. 27, Yvel Fils-Aime, would have made him 48 when he died, but a newspaper obituary reported that a 29-year-old named Yvel Filsaime died on the same day in 2004, in the same place in Virginia. On Friday, immigration authorities confirmed that the birth date on the list was incorrect. Mr. Filsaime was born Nov. 2, 1975, they said, not Oct. 3, 1956.

The list does not say where two of the detainees were being held, but it does provide locations for the others. It shows that 38 percent of the detainees were held in centers operated by county or local governments, and 27 percent in those run by the federal government. Privately run centers had 32 percent of the deaths, even though they housed only 19 percent of detainees over all, according to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

There are more than 300 detention centers around the country, but one private operator, the Corrections Corporation of America, had 13 deaths in its centers, including 5 at one in Eloy, Ariz. One locally run detention center, Hampton Roads Regional Jail in Portsmouth, Va., had 4 deaths, and another, Kern County’s Lerdo Detention Complex in Bakersfield, Calif., had 3.

The government produced the list after a Congressional hearing last fall into medical care and deaths in immigration custody. Representative Zoe Lofgren of California, the chairwoman of the House subcommittee that held the hearing, pressed for information on detainee deaths.

Some deaths on the list had already been reported by The Times or other news outlets, or identified by advocacy groups or lawyers. Two more deaths in immigration custody have come to light since the list was issued:

Cesar Gonzales-Baeza, 35, a Mexican, died of accidental electrocution on Dec. 7, 2007, two days after the jackhammer he was using on a detainee work crew hit a power line at the Mira Loma Detention Center in Lancaster, Calif., according to The Associated Press.

Arturo Suarez-Almenares, 72, a Cuban, died on March 2, after a heart attack at the Middlesex County Jail in New Jersey, according to The Home News Tribune.

Readers with information about the men and women listed on the document, or with knowledge of other deaths in immigration detention, can contact The Times by using this link.

Nina Bernstein, NY TIMES: Published: May 3, 2009
Twice the immigration judge asked the woman’s name. Twice she gave it: Xiu Ping Jiang. But he chided her, a Chinese New Yorker, for answering his question before the court interpreter had translated it into Mandarin.

Ms. Jiang’s sisters, Yun, left, and Yu, who both live in New York, have been fighting to have her freed and have watched her condition deteriorate in jail. “I’m afraid my sister will commit suicide in the detention,” said Yun, who said Ms. Jiang was too ill to recognize her when she visited in February.
“Ma’am, we’re going to do this one more time, and then I’m going to treat you as though you were not here,” the immigration judge, Rex J. Ford, warned the woman last year at her first hearing in Pompano Beach, Fla. He threatened to issue an order of deportation that would say she had failed to show up.

She was a waitress with no criminal record, no lawyer and a history of attempted suicide. Her reply to the judge’s threat, captured by the court transcript, was in imperfect English. “Sir, I not — cannot go home,” she said, referring to China, which her family says she fled in 1995 after being forcibly sterilized at 20. “If I die, I die America.”

The judge moved on. “The respondent, after proper notice, has failed to appear,” he said for the record. And as she declared, “I’m going to die now,” he entered an order deporting her to China, and sent her back to the Glades County immigration jail.

That exchange, and her bleak experience in the immigration enforcement system, have come to light only through a fluke. Ms. Jiang happens to bear the same name as the ex-wife of Jiverly Wong, the United States citizen from Vietnam who fatally shot 13 people in April at an immigration services center in Binghamton, N.Y. As reporters tried to find the ex-wife, a database search for her name turned up court records about Ms. Jiang, the waitress.

Now 35, she has spent more than a year in jail, often in solitary confinement, sinking deeper into the mental illness that makes it impossible for her either to fight deportation or to obtain the travel documents needed to make it happen, according to a pending habeas corpus petition that seeks her release. It contends that she is suicidal, emaciated and deprived of proper medical treatment.

Had she been the Xiu Ping Jiang linked to a mass killer, her story would have made instant news around the world. Instead, she is a kind of Internet-era doppelganger, lost in one of the dark places of immigration law, where the only life at stake may be her own.

“I’m afraid my sister will commit suicide in the detention,” said her older sister, Yun, 37, who found Ms. Jiang too ill to recognize her when she visited the jail in February.

Ms. Jiang’s journey — from a village in China to restaurants in Brooklyn to a bare jail cell in South Florida (as far from family and help as possible to destroy her- Josie) in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement — illustrates the vulnerability of the mentally ill in the immigration system, advocates say.

“It’s a really stark, really dire issue, and it’s a growing problem,” said Sunita Patel, a lawyer at the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York who is part of an international working group of legal advocates and mental health providers seeking more protective rules. No one keeps count of such cases, but she added that “with all these enforcement measures being put into place by ICE, more and more people with mental illness are being put into the detention system. And sometimes these people disappear.”

Federal immigration officials said they could not comment on an individual case. But Elaine Komis, a spokeswoman for the Executive Office of Immigration Review, which oversees the nation’s immigration courts, said there were no rules for determining competency in deportation proceedings, and no way to ensure representation for a mentally ill person facing deportation.

“There is no right to government-paid representation in immigration court,” Ms. Komis said in a statement, “so no attorney is appointed when a respondent is believed to be incompetent.”

The nation’s immigration detention practices are under a comprehensive review ordered by Janet Napolitano, the secretary of homeland security, said a spokesman for the agency, Richard Rocha, adding, “ICE recognizes the need to address mental health issues among its detainees.”

(FALSE DETAINMENT CREATES MENTAL ILLNESS _80% OF DETAINEESS SHOW SIGNS OF MENTAL ILLNESS WHEN THEY ARE FINALLY RELEASED_ DUE TO THE METHODS OF SOFT TORTURE DURING INCARCERATION, ONE STEP UP FROM GUANTANAMO – SEVERAL STEPS DOWN FROM REGULAR OR FEDERAL JAIL)

The exact nature of Ms. Jiang’s illness is unknown, and immigration authorities would not release her medical records, even to her lawyers, saying she had refused to sign a privacy release. Her two sisters, who live in New York, describe her as a sweet, quiet woman whose mind broke under the strain of life as an illegal immigrant seeking asylum.

She was traveling to Florida to start a job at a Chinese restaurant in December 2007 when immigration agents arrested her at a Greyhound bus station in West Palm Beach on suspicion that she was in the country without a visa.

She was luckier than many mentally ill detainees. After Judge Ford issued an order of deportation in January 2008, Ms. Jiang’s older sister, now a United States citizen, hired a lawyer who managed to have it overturned by the Board of Immigration Appeals last May. But Ms. Jiang had to face the same judge in July, and by then, after half a year in jail, her symptoms of mental illness had become so severe that she was unable or unwilling to communicate with the lawyer. He withdrew from the case
She was on her own at a November hearing before a second immigration judge, Scott G. Alexander, who again ordered her deported and again returned her to jail, after noting that a government psychiatrist had deemed her competent to participate in the hearing. The record shows that she sat through the hearing in silence, her arms folded, her eyes downcast.

Yun Jiang, holding a picture of Jiverly Wong, and Yu Jiang with their lawyer, Theodore Cox.
In February, Ms. Jiang’s sisters — one a waitress, one a cashier — found Theodore Cox, a New York immigration lawyer, who took the case without fee. So far, he and his associate, Andrew Wong, have not had much success with their emergency habeas petition, filed in March in federal court in Fort Myers, Fla.

In the last dozen years, immigration laws have sharply narrowed the grounds for federal court review of such cases, and a federal magistrate judge directed Ms. Jiang’s lawyers to remove all allegations concerning her arrest, medical care, conditions of confinement and the denial of opportunity to apply for asylum protection at her hearing. Their motion urging reconsideration has not been answered.

The one issue the court seems prepared to review is whether Ms. Jiang is being unconstitutionally subjected to indefinite detention, defined under a 2001 Supreme Court decision as more than six months. But the six-month clock begins to run only after the final order of removal, which was in November 2008 in Ms. Jiang’s case. And a deportation officer stopped the clock in January, the lawyers said, because Ms. Jiang would not speak with immigration agents seeking a travel document for her.

Ms. Jiang goes without eating for days, or vomits after meals for fear of poison; she mumbles to herself and tears up letters from her family, the petition says. While her risk of dying in detention seems to grow each day, her sisters say, they also fear that she will die if she were deported to China, since nobody there is able to take care of her.

“To save her, I would change places with my sister,” her sister Yun proposed in an interview at Mr. Cox’s law office, speaking through a translator. “Take me to detention.”

In their home village in Fujian Province, in southeastern China, the sisters said, Ms. Jiang was married under age. She hid in their mother’s house when she was pregnant with her second son, they said, because under China’s one-child policy, the village government would have forced her to have an abortion.

“She did not deliver in a hospital, and she almost died,” said the younger sister, Yu, 33, the first to emigrate. A few days after the birth, she added, officials found Ms. Jiang, sterilized her and imposed a heavy fine. Later, divorced and desperate, Ms. Jiang borrowed the equivalent of $35,000 to be smuggled by boat to the United States, hoping to find political asylum and bring over the young sons she left with their grandmother.

But grueling months at sea left her emotionally fragile, and in the summer of 1997, about a year after her arrival, she became so despondent about her separation from her children, and the burden of her debts, that she tried to kill herself by drinking bleach, her sisters said. The police took her to Bellevue Hospital Center.

“She was afraid of being arrested, so the next day she ran away,” Yu recalled.

At times over the next decade Ms. Jiang seemed better, as she moved from work in Manhattan garment factories to waitress jobs in Chinese restaurants across the country. But an effort to bring her younger son into the United States through Canada when he was 8 or 9 backfired: he was caught by Canadian officials and placed in foster care.

“He intended to join up with her,” the younger sister said of the boy, now 16. “Now it’s impossible, because he’s being adopted.”

By the winter of 2007, Ms. Jiang’s mental illness had cost her many jobs, the sisters said, but as a favor, some of their former employers would still hire her. She had lost a job in Alabama and was on her way to another in Florida when immigration agents stopped her.

One of the mysteries of Ms. Jiang’s life remains a brief marriage in Des Moines to a Vietnamese man. Her sisters said the family had never even learned his name because she was ashamed to talk about the episode. When they learned from a reporter in April that a woman named Xiu Ping Jiang had been married to the Binghamton gunman, they were seized by doubt: Could this have been their sister’s Vietnamese husband?

They made a flurry of phone calls, then raced through Chinatown streets in the rain to show a photo of the killer to Ms. Jiang’s former boss from Des Moines, who was visiting New York. But he took one look and said with finality, “That’s not him.”

By then, the sisters seemed to have been hoping for a different verdict, for a link that could suddenly turn the world’s gaze to their Xiu Ping Jiang — long enough, at least, to save her from the dark.

I HOPE SHE SURVIVES, BUT SHE WILL NEVER RECOVER. HOMELAND SECURITY HAVE DONE THE SAME AS THE NAZIS DID.
SHAME ON THEM ALL.

The Stanford prison experiment was a study of the psychological effects of becoming a prisoner or prison guard. The experiment was conducted in 1971 by a team of researchers led by Psychology Professor Philip Zimbardo at Stanford University. Twenty-four undergraduates were selected out of 70 to play the roles of both guards and prisoners and live in a mock prison in the basement of the Stanford psychology building. Those selected were chosen for their lack of psychological issues, crime history, and medical disabilities, in order to obtain a representative sample. Roles were assigned based on a coin toss.[1]

Prisoners and guards rapidly adapted to their roles, stepping beyond the boundaries of what had been predicted and leading to dangerous and psychologically damaging situations. One-third of the guards were judged to have exhibited “genuine” sadistic tendencies, while many prisoners were emotionally traumatized and two had to be removed from the experiment early. After being confronted by Christina Maslach, a graduate student in psychology whom he was dating,[2] and realizing that he had been passively allowing unethical acts to be performed under his direct supervision, Zimbardo concluded that both prisoners and guards had become too grossly absorbed in their roles and terminated the experiment after six days.[3]

Ethical concerns surrounding the famous experiment often draw comparisons to the Milgram experiment, which was conducted in 1961 at Yale University by Stanley Milgram, Zimbardo’s former college friend. Tom Peters and Robert H. Waterman Jr wrote in 1981 that the Milgram experiment and the Stanford prison experiment were frightening in their implications about the danger which lurks in the darker side of human nature.[4]
Goals and methods
Zimbardo and his team set out to test the idea that the inherent personality traits of prisoners and guards were summarily key to understanding abusive prison situations. Participants were recruited and told they would participate in a two-week “prison simulation.” Of the 70 respondents, Zimbardo and his team selected the 24 males whom they deemed to be the most psychologically stable and healthy. These participants were predominantly white and middle-class.

The “prison” itself was in the basement of Stanford’s Jordan Hall, which had been converted into a mock jail. An undergraduate research assistant was the “warden” and Zimbardo the “superintendent”. Zimbardo set up a number of specific conditions on the participants which he hoped would promote disorientation, depersonalisation and deindividualisation.

The researchers provided weapons — wooden batons — and clothing that simulated that of a prison guard — khaki shirt and pants from a local military surplus store. They were also given mirrored sunglasses to prevent eye contact.

Prisoners wore ill-fitting smocks and stocking caps, and were required to carry a beachball at all times, rendering them constantly uncomfortable. Guards called prisoners by their assigned numbers, sewn on their uniforms, instead of by name. Anytime a guard wanted, he could send a selected prisoner across the street to a jiffy mart to get a snack. A chain around their ankles reminded them of their roles as prisoners.

The researchers held an “orientation” session for guards the day before the experiment, during which they were told that they could not physically harm the prisoners. In The Stanford Prison Study video, quoted in Haslam & Reicher, 2003, Zimbardo is seen telling the guards, “You can create in the prisoners feelings of boredom, a sense of fear to some degree, you can create a notion of arbitrariness that their life is totally controlled by us, by the system, you, me, and they’ll have no privacy… We’re going to take away their individuality in various ways. In general what all this leads to is a sense of powerlessness. That is, in this situation we’ll have all the power and they’ll have none.”

The participants chosen to play the part of prisoners were “arrested” at their homes and “charged” with armed robbery. The local Palo Alto police department assisted Zimbardo with the arrests and conducted full booking procedures on the prisoners, which included fingerprinting and taking mug shots. At the prison, they were transported to the mock prison where they were strip-searched and given their new identities.

[edit] Results
The experiment quickly grew out of hand. Prisoners suffered — and accepted — sadistic and humiliating treatment from the guards. The high level of stress progressively led them from rebellion to inhibition. By the experiment’s end, many showed severe emotional disturbances.

After a relatively uneventful first day, a riot broke out on the second day. The guards volunteered to work extra hours and worked together to break the prisoner revolt, attacking the prisoners with fire extinguishers without supervision from the research staff.

A false rumor spread that one of the prisoners, who asked to leave the experiment, would lead companions to free the rest of the prisoners. The guards dismantled the prison and moved the inmates to another secure location. When no breakout attempt occurred, the guards were angry about having to rebuild the prison, so they took it out on the prisoners.

Guards forced the prisoners to count off repeatedly as a way to learn their prison numbers, and to reinforce the idea that this was their new identity. Guards soon used these prisoner counts as another method to harass the prisoners, using physical punishment such as protracted exercise for errors in the prisoner count. Sanitary conditions declined rapidly, made worse by the guards refusing to allow some prisoners to urinate or defecate. As punishment, the guards would not let the prisoners empty the sanitation bucket. Mattresses were a valued item in the spartan prison, so the guards would punish prisoners by removing their mattresses, leaving them to sleep on concrete. Some prisoners were forced to go nude as a method of degradation, and some were subjected to sexual humiliation, including simulated homosexual sex.

Zimbardo cited his own absorption in the experiment he guided, and in which he actively participated as Prison Superintendent. On the fourth day, some prisoners were talking about trying to escape. Zimbardo and the guards attempted to move the prisoners to the more secure local police station, but officials there said they could no longer participate in Zimbardo’s experiment.

Several guards became increasingly cruel as the experiment continued. Experimenters said that approximately one-third of the guards exhibited genuine sadistic tendencies. Most of the guards were upset when the experiment concluded early.

Zimbardo argued that the prisoner participants had internalized their roles, based on the fact that some had stated that they would accept parole even with the attached condition of forfeiting all of their experiment-participation pay. Yet, when their parole applications were all denied, none of the prisoner participants quit the experiment. Zimbardo argued they had no reason for continued participation in the experiment after having lost all monetary compensation, yet they did, because they had internalized the prisoner identity, they thought themselves prisoners, hence, they stayed.

Prisoner No. 416, a newly admitted stand-by prisoner, expressed concern over the treatment of the other prisoners. The guards responded with more abuse. When he refused to eat his sausages, saying he was on a hunger strike, guards confined him in a closet and called it solitary confinement.[5] The guards used this incident to turn the other prisoners against No. 416, saying the only way he would be released from solitary confinement was if they gave up their blankets and slept on their bare mattresses, which all but one refused to do.

Zimbardo concluded the experiment early when Christina Maslach, a graduate student he was then dating (and later married), objected to the appalling conditions of the prison after she was introduced to the experiment to conduct interviews. Zimbardo noted that of more than fifty outside persons who had seen the prison, Maslach was the only one who questioned its morality. After only six days of a planned two weeks’ duration, the Stanford Prison experiment was shut down.

[edit] Conclusions
The Stanford experiment ended on August 20, 1971, only six days after it began instead of the fourteen it was supposed to have lasted. The experiment’s result has been argued to demonstrate the impressionability and obedience of people when provided with a legitimizing ideology and social and institutional support. It is also used to illustrate cognitive dissonance theory and the power of authority.

In psychology, the results of the experiment are said to support situational attribution of behaviour rather than dispositional attribution. In other words, it seemed the situation caused the participants’ behaviour, rather than anything inherent in their individual personalities. In this way, it is compatible with the results of the also-famous Milgram experiment, in which ordinary people fulfilled orders to administer what appeared to be damaging electric shocks to a confederate of the experimenter.

Shortly after the study had been completed, there were bloody revolts at both the San Quentin and Attica prison facilities, and Zimbardo reported his findings on the experiment to the U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary.

[edit] Criticism of the experiment
The experiment was widely criticized as being unethical and unscientific. Current ethical standards of psychology would not permit such a study to be conducted today. The study would violate the American Psychological Associate Ethics Code, the Canadian Code of Conduct for Research Involving Humans, and the Belmont Report. Critics including Erich Fromm challenged how readily the results of the experiment could be generalized. Fromm specifically writes about how the personality of an individual does in fact affect behavior when imprisoned (using historical examples from the Nazi concentration camps). This runs counter to the study’s conclusion that the prison situation itself controls the individual’s behavior. Fromm also argues that the amount of sadism in the “normal” subjects could not be determined with the methods employed to screen them.

Because it was a field experiment, it was impossible to keep traditional scientific controls. Dr Zimbardo was not merely a neutral observer, but influenced the direction of the experiment as its “superintendent”. Conclusions and observations drawn by the experimenters were largely subjective and anecdotal, and the experiment would be difficult for other researchers to reproduce.

One of the most abused prisoners, #416, and the guard known as “John Wayne”, who was one of the most abusive guards, confront each other in an “encounter session” two months later.Some of the experiment’s critics argued that participants based their behavior on how they were expected to behave, or modelled it after stereotypes they already had about the behavior of prisoners and guards. In other words, the participants were merely engaging in role-playing. Another problem with the experiment was certain guards, such as “John Wayne”, changed their behavior because of wanting to conform to the behavior that they thought Zimbardo was trying to elicit. In response, Zimbardo claimed that even if there was role-playing initially, participants internalized these roles as the experiment continued.

Additionally, it was criticized on the basis of ecological validity. Many of the conditions imposed in the experiment were arbitrary and may not have correlated with actual prison conditions, including blindfolding incoming “prisoners”, not allowing them to wear underwear, not allowing them to look out of windows and not allowing them to use their names. Zimbardo argued that prison is a confusing and dehumanizing experience and that it was necessary to enact these procedures to put the “prisoners” in the proper frame of mind; however, it is difficult to know how similar the effects were to an actual prison, and the experiment’s methods would be difficult to reproduce exactly so that others could test them.

Some said that the study was too deterministic: reports described significant differences in the cruelty of the guards, the worst of whom came to be nicknamed “John Wayne.” (This guard alleges he started the escalation of events between “guards” and “prisoners” after he began to emulate a character from the Paul Newman film Cool Hand Luke. He further intensified his actions because he was nicknamed “John Wayne” though he was trying to mimic actor Strother Martin who played the role of the sadistic “Captain” in the movie.[6]) Most of the other guards were kinder and often did favors for prisoners. Zimbardo made no attempt to explain or account for these differences.

Also, it has been argued that selection bias may have played a role in the results. Researchers from Western Kentucky University recruited students for a study using an advertisement similar to the one used in the Stanford Prison Experiment, with and without the words “prison life.” It was found that students volunteering for a prison life study possessed dispositions toward abusive behavior.

Additionally, the sample size was very small, with only twenty-four participants taking part over a relatively short period of time. This reality means that it is difficult to generalize across a wider scale.

Finally, the study was never published in a peer-reviewed journal.[citation needed] Lacking peer-review, it is difficult to interpret the meaningfulness of the results.

[edit] Haslam and Reicher
Alex Haslam and Steve Reicher (2003), psychologists from the University of Exeter and University of St Andrews, conducted the BBC Prison Study[7], a partial replication of the experiment with the assistance of the BBC, who broadcast scenes from the study in a documentary program called The Experiment. Their results and conclusions differed from Zimbardo’s and led to a number of publications on tyranny, stress and leadership (moreover, unlike results from the SPE, these were published in leading academic journals; e.g., British Journal of Social Psychology, Journal of Applied Psychology, Social Psychology Quarterly). While their procedure was not a direct replication of Zimbardo’s, their study does cast further doubt on the generality of his conclusions. Specifically, it questions the notion that people slip mindlessly into role and the idea that the dynamics of evil are in any way banal. Their research also points to the importance of leadership in the emergence of tyranny (of the form displayed by Zimbardo when briefing guards in the Stanford experiment).[8][9]

[edit] Comparisons to Abu Ghraib
When the Abu Ghraib military prisoner torture and abuse scandal was published in March 2004, many observers immediately were struck by its similarities to the Stanford Prison experiment — among them, Philip Zimbardo, who paid close attention to the details of the story. He was dismayed by official military and government efforts shifting the blame for the torture and abuses in the Abu Ghraib American military prison on to “a few bad apples” rather than acknowledging it as possibly systemic problems of a formally established military incarceration system.

Eventually, Zimbardo became involved with the defense team of lawyers representing Abu Ghraib prison guard Staff Sergeant Ivan “Chip” Frederick. He had full access to all investigation and background reports, testifying as an expert witness in SSG Frederick’s court martial, which resulted in an eight-year prison sentence for Frederick in October 2004.

Zimbardo drew on the knowledge he gained from participating in the Frederick case to write The Lucifer Effect: Understanding How Good People Turn Evil (Random House, 2007), dealing with the striking similarities between the Stanford Prison Experiment and the Abu Ghraib abuses.[5]

[edit] Similar incidents
In April 2007, it was reported[10] that high-school students in Waxahachie, Texas who were participating in a role-playing exercise fell into a similar abusive pattern of behavior as exhibited in the original experiment.

In 2002, as mentioned above, the BBC conducted a similar experiment in The Experiment.

[edit] In multimedia
in 1977, Italian director Carlo Tuzii adapted the story of the experiment to an Italian environment and Italian students and made a film out of his adaption, called La Gabbia (The Cage). In the film, “prisoners” and “guards” were all together in a huge room, parted in two halves by a row of iron bars in the middle, and with a small window in each half.
In 1992, a documentary about the experiment was made available via the Stanford Prison Experiment website. The documentary, Quiet Rage: The Stanford Prison Experiment, was written by Zimbardo and directed and produced by Ken Musen.[11]
The novel Black Box by Mario Giordano, inspired by the experiment, was adapted to cinema in 2001 by German director Oliver Hirschbiegel into the movie Das Experiment.
A 30 minute 2002 BBC documentary produced and directed by Kim Duke.
Breathing Room, a 2008 horror film.
Episode 4 of season 2, Not for Nothing, of Life was loosely based on the Stanford prison experiment.
A film about the experiment, entitled The Stanford Prison Experiment, is currently in production by Maverick Films. It was written by Christopher McQuarrie and Tim Talbott is said to feature actors Channing Tatum, Cam Gigandet, Paul Dano, Ryan Phillippe, Giovanni Ribisi, Benjamin McKenzie, Charlie Hunnam, Kieran Culkin, Jesse Eisenberg, and Dylan Purcell, and is slotted for release in 2009.
In the episode My Big Fat Greek Rush Week of the series Veronica Mars, Wallace and Logan take part in an experiment that is similar to the Stanford Prison Experiment.

[edit] See also
Archives of the History of American Psychology, facility that has in its collection prison gowns used in the experiment and other items, including a door from a jail cell.
Das Experiment, a 2001 German film directed by Oliver Hirschbiegel, inspired by the Stanford events.
The Third Wave, a 1967 recreation of Nazi Germany by high school teacher Ron Jones.
The Wave, a novel by Todd Strasser based on the incident.
The Wave, a short film based on the incident.
The Wave, a 2008 feature film based on the incident.
Milgram experiment on obedience to authority.
Peer pressure
Lord of the Flies, a 1954 novel by William Golding, in which a group of youths degrade into dictatorship.
The Dispossessed, a 1974 novel by Ursula K. Le Guin, in which the protagonist Shevek took the part of a jail guard in a childhood game with very similar conditions and outcome.
Infinite Ryvius, a 1999 animated series by Sunrise, in which 500 young people in an isolated environment go through several power regimes with different levels of oppressiveness and brutality.
The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference, a book by Malcolm Gladwell, addresses this experiment.
Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse
My Big Fat Greek Rush Week, an episode of the Veronica Mars television series depicting an experiment modeled on the Stanford Prison Experiment.
When I Was Ming the Merciless a science fiction short story by Gene Wolfe, discusses an experiment similar to the Stanford Prison Experiment.
Life an NBC TV series alluded to this experiment with the episode “Not for Nothing” in which a murder takes place during a similar experiment.
Banality of Evil

[edit] Footnotes
1.^ Slideshow on official site
2.^ Stanford University News Service – The Standard Prison Experiment
3.^ Stanford Prison Experiment – Conclusion.
4.^ Peters, Thomas, J.,, Waterman, Robert. H., “In Search of Excellence”, 1981. Cf. p.78 and onward.
5.^ a b The Lucifer Effect website
6.^ “John Wayne” (name withheld). Interview. “The Science of Evil.” Primetime. Basic Instincts. KATU. 3 Jan. 2007.
7.^ The BBC Prison Study
8.^ see interviews at http://education.guardian.co.uk/academicexperts/story/0,,1605313,00.html and http://www.offthetelly.co.uk/interviews/experiment.htm
9.^ for details of the BBC Prison study see http://bbcprisonstudy.org/
10.^ Holocaust Lesson Gets Out Of Hand, http://www.smh.com.au/news/world/jews-and-germans-lesson-gets-out-of-hand/2007/04/11/1175971162172.html
11.^ Justice videos

[edit] References
Carnahan, C. & McFarland, S. (2007). Revisiting the Stanford Prison Experiment: Could Participant Self-Selection Have Led to the Cruelty? Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 33, No. 5, 603-614.
Haney, C., Banks, W. C., & Zimbardo, P. G. (1973). Study of prisoners and guards in a simulated prison. Naval Research Reviews, 9, 1–17. Washington, DC: Office of Naval Research
Haney, C., Banks, W. C., & Zimbardo, P. G. (1973). Interpersonal dynamics in a simulated prison. International Journal of Criminology and Penology, 1, 69–97.
Haslam, S. Alexander & Reicher, Stephen (2003). Beyond Stanford: Questioning a role-based explanation of tyranny. Dialogue (Bulletin of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology), 18, 22–25.
Musen, K. & Zimbardo, P. G. (1991). Quiet rage: The Stanford prison study. Videorecording. Stanford, CA: Psychology Dept., Stanford University.
Reicher, Stephen., & Haslam, S. Alexander. (2006). Rethinking the psychology of tyranny: The BBC Prison Study. British Journal of Social Psychology, 45, 1–40.
Zimbardo, P. G. (1971). The power and pathology of imprisonment. Congressional Record. (Serial No. 15, 1971-10-25). Hearings before Subcommittee No. 3, of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-Second Congress, First Session on Corrections, Part II, Prisons, Prison Reform and Prisoner’s Rights: California. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Zimbardo, P. G (2007) Understanding How Good People Turn Evil. Interview transcript. “Democracy Now!”, March 30, 2007. Accessed March 31, 2007

[edit] External links
Official Site
Homepage of Philip Zimbardo
Stanford Prison Experiment on Film- Penn State Media Sales
Summary of the experiment
Zimbardo, P. (2007). From Heavens to Hells to Heroes. In-Mind Magazine.
Fromm’s criticism of the experiment
The official website of the BBC Prison Study
The Experiment (IMDb) — German movie (Das Experiment) from 2001 inspired by the Stanford Experiment
The Lie of the Stanford Prison Experiment — Criticism from Carlo Prescott, ex-con and consultant/assistant for the experiment
The Artificial Prison of the Human Mind Article with Comments.
Philip Zimbardo on Democracy Now! March 30 2007
Philip Zimbardo on The Daily Show, March, 2007
Abu Ghraib and the experiment:

BBC News: Is it in anyone to abuse a captive?
BBC News: Why everyone’s not a torturer
Ronald Hilton: US soldiers’ bad behavior and Stanford Prison Experiment
Slate.com: Situationist Ethics: The Stanford Prison Experiment doesn’t explain Abu Ghraib, by William Saletan
IMDb: Untitled Stanford Prison Experiment Project
VIDEO: Talk to MIT re: new book: The Lucifer Effect
Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanford_prison_experiment”
Categories: 1971 in the United States | Imprisonment and detention | Social psychology | Group processes | Psychology experiments | Stanford University | Human experimentation in the United States | Academic scandals | 1970s in science | Research ethics